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According to discourse theory, facts and events are represented through discourse and a set of meanings, ideas, metaphors, so on. In this sense, language creates and changes truth; this means that with language one can have different perceptions of an event, followed by a different set of discourses. Thus, the social world is the product of discourses. According to the theory of social constructivism, which in contrast to essentialism does not separate the structure of reality from the human mind, some social phenomena, such as some offences are made by the human mind and under the influence of different circumstances. They are produced in a specific time, social, political and cultural way and cannot be considered as a sacred and unchangeable reality except in special cases. Accordingly, this research, which qualitative in nature and descriptive-analytical in manner, using the method of discourse analysis and in order to explain and review the obvious understandings of the Law on the Protection of Children and Adolescents (Act 2002) seeks to explore the possibility of deconstructing the current definition of child abuse (revision) and adding to its scope. The most important result of the research is that most of the offences, including child abuse and even the prescribing of child marriage (subject to sec. 1041 of the Civil Code), are powerful and skillful social constructs of social realities that it is possible to deconstruction of them in order to give political, cultural and social opportunities to other possible constructions of the phenomenon that are more closely related to the public interest.
 

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PPrior to approving the Islamic Penal Code Act 2013, the concept of repentance was accepted to some extent in the context of provisions related to Hudud (fixed religious penalties). In the latest efforts to revise the Islamic Penal Code, the lawmakers dedicated some articles to repentance which stipulated specific rules on the framework and other detailed provisions on applying this concept. This initiative of the legislators can be challenged on the one hand through the criminological analysis of the subject, and on the other hand, in the context of its implementation within the framework of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Due to its ignorance of modern criminological theories, particularly on victimology, the deviation of attention from offender’s personality to the criminal act, and the impossibility of realization of all repentance conditions, it appears that approving legislative provisions on repentance in the Islamic Penal Code will result in a serious crisis. Therefore, in order to reach an effective criminal policy, it is necessary that all aspects of the concept be duly scrutinized. Taking into account the substantive and procedural limits surrounding this topic, the gap between the bases of repentance in the Islamic Penal Code with the recent developments in criminal policy and also the absence of practical approaches to materialize this concept, it seems that its implementation will face challenges, thereby making the criminal policy far away from being effective.
 

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The act of a political offender which is manifested in depicting the ineffectiveness of a governing structure or policy with a reformation motive and without violence requires a distinct legislative strategy and differential trial over ordinary criminals.
   In countries that have recognized the principle of freedom of expression, there has been no criminalization of political activities at all, but in countries where criminalization has done, penalizing in comparison to other cases especially with regard to security offenses, is balanced and distinctive.
   In Iran, after nearly four decades after the promise of the constitution to define political offences in ordinary law and how to investigate it, finally in 2015, the Law of Political Offence was adopted. However, on the one hand, the legal ambiguity about the definition of political offences and the explanation of its cases violates the "transparency principle" and has provided the basis for interpretability of legal articles and dispersion in judgments. On the other hand, judges' stereotype in considering any protesting behavior or speech of citizens anti-security due to legislator's high sensitivity to banning any act or statement of protest or critique of the sovereignty and also preferring the presumption of guilt and malice instead of the presumption of Innocence and prima facie by judges has become a serious obstacle in the way of differential investigation to political charges.  This research, in a descriptive-analytical way, explores the criminal policy of Iran with regard to political offence and its challenges using library resources.

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This research aimed to compare the perceived motivational climate of judokas and basketball players in the Iranian Premier League, which was carried out using a comparative research method. The statistical population of the research was all the judokas of the Iranian Premier League (9 teams and 18 judokas on each team) and all the Iranian Premier League basketball players (9 teams and 18 basketball players on each team). They competed in the Premier League competitions in 2014. The present research considered the statistical sample based on Morgan's sample size table for judokas (n=83) and basketball players (n=102).In order to conduct data collection, a demographic form and motivational climate questionnaire (PMCSQ) were used. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data, and an independent t-test was used to compare the two sports at a significant level (p≤0.05). The results showed a difference between the perceived motivational climate of judokas and basketball players of the Iranian Premier League (p≤0.05). Furthermore, the results showed that the performance Climate in judokas was higher than in basketball players (p≤0.05), but the skill motivational Climate in basketball players was higher than in judokas (p≤0.05). In general, it can be concluded that the type of sport is an important factor in the type of perceived motivational climate.
 

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Borders represent the main security interests of countries and determine the extent of a country's geographical area. Considering that the continent of Africa was a colony of transcontinental powers for many years, therefore, most of the borders of the countries in this continent have been drawn colonially and by European governments in order to secure their national interests and goals. This has caused borders to be one of the most important sources of tension between African countries after decolonization and independence. This research with descriptive-analytical method and using Super Decision software, seeks to answer these questions, which are the most important differences in the African continent? And what is the weight of each of these indicators? The findings of the research show that the borders in this region include three groups of border disputes (land- related conflicts, border-related conflicts,  conflicts over common interests and sources), factors that aggravate border disputes ( inefficient leadership, inefficiency of regional and international organizations, political instability, bio ecological issues, geo-economics,  …. ), and factors that reduce border disputes ( commitment to cooperate as African union , regional cooperation in the frame of regional organizations and border complementation, and border age). The results of the research also indicated that the border disputes in the African continent are the result of the colonial period, and in the initial stage of border development, i.e. border delimitation, it has stopped. Therefore, in order to resolve border disputes and determine border points, we need to formulate and approve border laws at the regional level through the creation of dispute resolution mechanisms at the level of the African continent. 

 

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Citing the "Annual Report of Fragile States Index" provided by the "Peace Fund" from 2006 to 2023, this article argues that Libya was not an example of a failed state at the time of state collapse. Although all governments in the world have a degree of weakness and incapability in providing and realization of their main tasks, Libya's rank during Gaddafi period, compared to other countries, was not a rank that could be considered as an example of a fragile state. The necessity of reforming the produced literature provoked the writer to seek an answer to the question of why the post-Gaddafi government of Libya has moved towards a collapsed government. Prioritizing domestic reasons for this issue over regional and international ones, this article argues that; the government's inability in exclusive use of power; the political role of Islamists in Libyan government; the role of Libyan former officials in the new government; terrorist groups with an Islamist approach such as ISIS and Al-Qaeda; the role of Islam in the laws and political and social life of the country; disagreement over the types of political governmental   structure; disputes related to the electoral system; ways of allocating  the seats of the National Congress to the representatives and the methods of choosing a new body to draft the constitution, are the most important reasons why the Libyan government is moving towards a "collapsed state".

 

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The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia in the international system is, above all, the result of this country's competitive view of the Islamic Republic of Iran and security equations in the West Asian region. The present study, through documentary research and reflective analysis technique aims to explain how Saudi Arabia, in order to shape strategic depth, controls international waters, influences the political structure of African countries, and creates a stream of Salafi groups in Africa, and how it seeks to reduce Iran's power, pose a threat to Iran, and increase its offensive capacity. Saudi Arabia believes that Iran has a high offensive capability in the region and can easily become a country with aggressive and war-initiating power. By shaping the policy of expanding geopolitical and strategic depth, interventionism and dominating the cultural discourse of Saudi Arabia in Africa, it is trying to turn the security equations into acute security threats for the Islamic Republic with trans-regional balancing.
 

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The theory of the responsibility to protect was approved in 2005 in the output document of the United Nations Summit (A/RES/60/1) and in 2011, it was included in the Security Council Resolution 1973 regarding military intervention in Libya. The theory of the responsibility to protect implies the commitment of the international community to end the worst forms of violence and crime in humanitarian crises and internal armed conflicts. This article by using the qualitative method and document-library sources, books, articles and reports and internet notes, dealing with NATO's military intervention in Libya in 2011, which led to airstrikes, the creation of a no-fly zone, and ultimately the change of Muammar Gaddafi's regime,  criticizes its application in Libya.The findings of the article show that although the theory tries to fill the gap between the former obligations of UN member states under international humanitarian law and human rights with this reality that the human population facing the threat of genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity must be supported, France, the United States and NATO have exploited the 1973 resolution for their political-military goals and have caused the stoppage of the development of the theory and the skepticism of the international community towards the goals and intentions of the world powers in the application of the theory and as a result of the design of the new approach of responsibility during support.
 

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The region of North Africa and the Middle East is considered one of the important geopolitical regions, which has been the focus of regional and extra-regional powers for a long time. Meanwhile, in the last days of 2010, Tunisia witnessed massive protests due to the self-immolation of a young man named Mohamed Bouazizi, which entered a new phase on January 14, 2011, when Ben Ali fled. During Ben Ali's time, Tunisia had very close relations with the United States of America and France, but after the popular protests of these countries, they demanded to accept the structural changes in this country. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic of Iran also opened relations with Tunisia after the revolution in this country due to historical, religious and cultural affinities. Therefore, we can witness the expansion of relations between the two countries in the regional and international arena. This article seeks to answer this question, what factors are effective in the geopolitical relations between Iran and Tunisia in the era after the Arab Spring? In the current research, the descriptive-analytical method and Dimetal technique were used. The findings of the research showed that variables such as trade development, diplomatic relations, holding cultural events, increasing the sensitivity of Arab countries towards Iran, strategic economic dialogues and agreements, Shiite associations and alliances in Tunisia, Shiism in Tunisia, cultural diplomacy. And... in the region, it has shown a high importance in the relations between the two countries after the Arab Spring. Therefore, in order to succeed in its relations with Tunisia, the Islamic Republic of Iran should make the most of its economic and Shiite factors.

 

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Abd al-Hamid bin Badis (1889-1940) is considered one of the greatest contemporary reformist religious figures in Algeria and in the Arab world and the Islamic world. At a time when the French colonization tried to deprive the Algerian people of their Islamic and national identity and even finally decided to annex Algeria to the French territory, Ben Badis, by establishing the "Jamayat Ulama Muslimin", tried to revive Islam and the Arabic language and culture. and rely on the national spirit to neutralize colonial conspiracies. . By adopting a cultural and educational policy, he had a great impact on the Algerian political arena and dealt a heavy blow to French colonialism. The current study has a descriptive-analytical approach and its main goal is to investigate the religious reformist approach of Abdul Hamid bin Badis in confronting French cultural colonialism in Algeria. The main questions of this research are
 

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As great Persian Jurists in East Muslim world in the formation and propagation of various Islamic sects involved, in the West muslim world and Afriqia of the generation of Khorasani immigrants grew great Jurists and The establishment and spread of the Islamic religions, especially the religion of Hanafi and Maliki contributed. Resources and translation and stories in books and the works of many Persian Jurists come,and Most names with the suffix "Alfarsy" are mentioned. In fact, the titles indicating their origin and being Iranian, That are distinguished with others. This article seeks to explain the real role and status in shaping and promoting the Islamic religious by Persian Jurists in the Africaia. Relying on library sources and with a historical approach and descriptive method, efforts will be made to clarify the contribution and influence of Iranian scientists and scholars in the expansion and growth of Islamic religions in the Islamic Maghreb, especially in the African region.

 

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Edrisid, as the first Alawite state in the second half of the second century A.H, settled down in North-West Africa; in a region surrounded by hostile states from all sides, the Umayyads of Andalusia in the north, the Aghlabid's in the east; and the Banurostam government in the northeast and Banumedarar government in the southwest. Being located in such a geographical position must lead to the inevitable entry into long and erosive wars and endless tensions. However, by studying the history of Edrisid's not only don’t we see any continuous wars but we come across a stable government which carries out the most brilliant period of civilization in the Islamic Maghreb region in the first centuries (A.H.). The current research intends to look into Edrisid's foreign policy management and explaining the strategies of this government in curbing hostilities and turning crises into opportunities in the field of diplomacy. Data analysis in the historical reports related to this government reveals that the Edrisid's were able to succeed in foreign policy by adopting policies such as: religious tolerance, extensive business relations with neighbors, establishment of a balance of power and exploiting tribal differences in the territory of neighbors. Through these measures, they were able to avoid erosive conflicts and continuous wars with neighbors and thus provide the basis for stability and development in their territory.
 

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Smart security, driven by cutting-edge security knowledge, infrastructure, political landscape, and media utilization, plays a vital role in facilitating and boosting economic activities. The political dynamics among nations and geopolitical developments in the vicinity of each country directly impact the fluctuations in tourism within that nation. The more effectively a political entity can execute security measures, the safer it appears to tourists, ultimately fostering more sustainable economic development. Due to the omnipresence and influence of media in contemporary life, the nature of security measures significantly affects the enhancement or weakening of economic indicators. This paper is a comparative study of the African tourists’ impression of Iran before and after the   revolution.  This research employs a descriptive-analytical approach to assess the state of smart security from the perspective of foreign tourists who visited Iran during the first half of the year 2023. The sampling method utilized in this study was systematic random sampling, resulting in a sample size of 133 individuals. The findings of this research reveal that 81% of tourists perceive Iran's security and political situation as influential in tourism attraction. Furthermore, after entering Iran and experiencing the reality, 62% of tourists have a positive perception of the security situation and its impact on tourism. Therefore, the adoption of intelligence and sustainable security measures will lead to increased economic prosperity and overall well-being.


 

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Environmental differences and similarities are the driving factor of travel and tourism; The Africa will be one of the main destinations for tourists in the future, with a great variety of tourist attractions, especially natural and historical. Available statistics show this fact well. All this can be a good opportunity to develop relations between Iran and African countries; Therefore, it is necessary to identify and introduce them to formulate strategic plans. Tourism is a suitable field for the development of cooperation, and paying attention to tourism and including it in diplomatic programs and relations will help to expand relations and remove obstacles; Therefore, in diplomatic relations, serious planning for a more detailed understanding of Africa, including its tourism market, should be put on the agenda. The main purpose of this article is to introduce Africa's environmental capabilities in the field of tourism with reference to the continent's plans in this regard and to answer the question of how tourism can be an effective element in the development of relations between countries. The research method is documentary and library studies and referring to statistics and figures related to tourism to provide solutions for the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The general result of the present research shows the absence of a written program from the I.R. Iran for the development of tourism with Africa. A special suggestion in this regard is to prioritize tourism as a phenomenon with socio-cultural, economic and even political dimensions in the macro plans.

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Those elements effective in eloquence and elegance of  Sa'di's Ghazals is both worth surveyving and comparing with other lyric poems in order toreveal This fact why his Ghazals are Supposed tobe more delightful than theothers.
Analysing The syntax of his words, one might show his unquestion able command and intellect in laguagu and literature.
The Exist of more than one Verb in Each Verse and The frequenc of material verb, denotes Eloquenc Ellipsis and motion.
The couple verb has found rhetorical Application in various way.
For grounding, paradox, ambiguity, synecdoche, metafore and personification are the most impartant figures of speech and retoric usingverbs in Sa'di's Ghazals

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King Afrasyab is the Torani famous athlete and the enemy of Iranian people in Shahnameh on which the talks have been presented concerning nearby the city of the friends and athletes in Iranian mythical-epic recourses. Following the 20th century A.D., some of the experts on Iranian Cultures and civilization and along them, some of the Iranian myth researchers have put forward the theory that Afrasyab is the symbol for Apoush, the devil of drought, and also the equivalent and symbol for dragon and, recognized his first and mythical nature as a non-human creature and fiend. Although the devil or dragon or devil-like nature of Afrasyab is not explicitly expressed in any existing recourses, more probes into Shahnameh will reveal some more signs ; like calling him as  ill-generated in Shahnameh, creating famine and removing the rain and water and aggression to Iran, the ability to live in land and in the depth of water (amphibian), his life in the basement, relation with black color, Afrasyab charming, the irrelativeness nature of his close relatives, similarity and ties with devil and fiends, verifying this theory.
It is documented in this study, through explaining the sings mentioned and presenting the required example from Shahnameh and other recourses, that Afrasyab in the ancient myths and very ancient patterns, is a very fearful and satanic devil, dragon converted to the Shah’s committee- the Torani athlete and Then Turk athlete and historical existance but, some other testimonies from the mythical and first nature are left by him in Shahnameh and some other resources.

 

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The Protest literature is one of the genres of resistanc literature. The main theme of his protest against injustice, discrimination, oppression and tyranny. Among the contemporary Arab poet, Ahmad Matar terms with the source of many poems written protest is accentuated. among Iranin poets also Qazveh  is one of the main leaders of  protest poetry in the poetry of revolution. Political and social protest poems primarily in two directions-is Ahmad Matar poetic protest against the Arab rulers, mostly political protest, but protest his social aspect is more Qzvh Protest against poverty and injustice, forgetting the Palestinian cause, neglect and ignorance of society, government oppression, arrogance, forgetting national religious values and themes shared between the two Sharast protes

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The historical and literary a common ground in Persian and Arabic Created Valuable Literary poems on various subjects. We can mention elegy that versified in the sadness of destruction of Baghdad by Saadi Shirazi and Shamsuddin Kofi. Reflecting the Mongol invasion of Islamic countries, including Baghdad caused profound grief and sorrow over the lives of Muslims. In this article we have tried to analyze the reflection of the tragedy in the poem of the two poets and we have mentioned by Comparative analysis to the Themes and content is written by the poet's and We have also explore the similarities and differences of the two poet elegy. The results of this study indicate that both the poet in several main themes have in common such as crying and grief, complained of oppression days tend to pre-Islamic Arabic language and literary style and Mention honors predecessors. Lastly Both poet said monody by Pure and simple Diction, yet full of sorrow and regret, in elegy of Baghdad and ”mostaasem”.