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This paper is focused on fuzzy theory of democracy. Here, it has been argued that the theory of democracy provides a two-valued description of political order (democratic or non democratic).However, this account of democracy is not consistent with the scientific truth. Democracy is characterized by fuzzy truth. Thus, following a critical discussion on the epistemology of critical rationality, a fuzzy epistemic apparatus has been formulated. Considering the fuzzy epistemology, it has been claimed that on this epistemic horizon, every thing is relatively calibrated and truth is something between zero and one. Also, in the mentioned apparatus, the black and white truth transforms into a gray truth and all follow the principle of uncertainty. Consequently, in the fuzzy epistemology, the membership function of zero and one will be generalized to a fuzzy membership based on a range of zero and one. To support the above mentioned epistemic apparatus, the writer of the paper has provided an empirical argument. The evidences the writer provides indicate that democracy as a truth represents values in the range of zero to one. The value of zero represents a completely non democratic country and the value of one represents a full democratic one. Any other value between zero to one is an indicator of a mixed category consisting of both democratic and non democratic aspects. Finally, based on the empirical evidences, it has been concluded that the U.S.A, England, Japan, Turkey, India, France, and Iran (1998-2003) are of democratic countries, albeit the kind and degree of democracies vary

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In this paper it is argued that the idea of “from socio-political to supported by Habermas has raised much theoretical and practical challenges. One of these challenges concerns with Habermasian trilogy of between facts and norms, communicative action, and discursive ethics. In the present paper the author, instead of liberal law-ethics theories, has concentrated on discursive law-democracy theory as an alternative to the first ones. To support this argument the writer has attempted to show and explain both the normative analytical merits of the chosen and supported theory and its limitations.ethical-legal

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A great number of sociological studies on democratization emphasize on the role of social classes in democratic transitions and the consolidation of democracy. Some authors like Barrington Moore know bourgeoisie as the historical agent of democracy, and for the authors like Dietrich Rueschemeyer, the workers are agents of democracy. In this article, we argue for a new perspective on the role of social classes in democratization based on a comparative historical study of the experience of democracy in Iran (1941-1953), Turkey (1945-1960) and South Korea (1945-1961). We are going to show that there are no specified pre-supposed interests in democracy for any social class, but the interests are historical-situational constructs of the circumstances of period under investigation. Democracy based on such an analysis is not the function of historical action of a specified class, rather it is the consequence of power balance between the classes in a specific part of history. In addition, as a part of such a perspective, the article argues in favour of a structural explanation for democratic consolidation.

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The contribution of internal and external factors on the operation of democracies is one of the most controversial debates in democratization studies. General rules about the role of internal and external variables on democracies, due to their distinctiveness and specific identities, are hard to be established. However, historical examination could result in analyzing effective mechanisms of the variables’ effects, and knowing that mechanisms can pave the way for providing statements that are more general. Through analyzing the effects of dependency and the world system of economy on Iran, Turkey and Korea in a historical span of 1800 to 1961, this article attempts to explain the conditions of economic instability and failure of democratic consolidation in them from 1941 to 1961. The paper shows evidences on how the operation of democracies is shaped by the historical structure of the world system, their own path of history, and the interaction of internal and external factors.

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Introduction
Local elections in Türkiye are held every five years and involve the election of mayors and city council members in large and small cities in Türkiye. Turkish municipal elections are important because they reflect the general attitude of the people; especially in the field of domestic and local issues - economic, social, political, etc. life against political parties that try to exploit the results of local elections in the campaign for political competitions at the national level. In other words, at first glance, we are faced with an ordinary, relatively apolitical election based more on local affiliations, apparent abilities, candidates' field activity records in the municipal field, urban development projects and so on, rather than on party and political affiliations. Nevertheless, Turkish municipal elections are always lively and accompanied by maximum participation and a lot of political swings.
 
Methodology
This study as a qualitative one attempts to analyze and evaluate the results of Türkiye 2024 local elections and the main reasons affecting them in the political sphere of Türkiye using a descriptive-analytic method and library data collection method.

Results and discussion
2024 local elections in Türkiye highlighted the country's democratic maturity. The outcome of political competition at the ballot box represents another manifestations of democratic consolidation in the country. The Republican People's Party (CHP) ranked first in the elections where received 37.76% of the votes and won 14 metropolitan municipalities and 21 provinces. It is noteworthy that the CHP did not win over additional voters and did not expand its voter base; rather, the turnout rate was significantly lower, and the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) appears to have experienced a loss of support. As a result, the number of CHP voters increased by 3.3 million, while the AK Party saw a decline of 4.2 million. There is no doubt that the opposition's "grassroots alliance" strategy was effective in metropolitan areas, as the majority of the Green Left Party (YSP), informally known as the Peoples' Democratic Party (DEM Party), and Good Party (IP) supported CHP-affiliated candidates. In addition to consolidating its base, the CHP received strong support from similar-minded parties. The election results suggest that social programs, candidates and responses to economic challenges played a more significant role in voter decision-making than investments and projects of AK. Thus, the CHP succeeded in maintaining the opposition alliance established between 2019 and 2023, albeit with a different approach. In this context, the outreach and mobilization efforts surrounding CHP candidates Ekrem Imamoğlu and Mansur Yavaş effectively connected with the respective bases of aligned political parties.

Conclusions
Local governance, as one of the main sources of local participation in representative democracy, is formed through local elections and represents a democratic mechanism for managing the collective needs of human groups living in a geographical area of ​​a country. Public participation is the main foundation of democracy and can directly affect the quality of democracy at the national level through local governance. Mayors and city councils in Türkiye are recognized as the most prominent symbols of local governance and democracy. Mayors have considerable authority in the political-executive system of this country, and the parties that take control of municipalities have numerous tools and facilities to strengthen their political and social base. Also, given the close ties established in local governance between parties and local residents, reaching the position of mayor, especially in Türkiye 's metropolitan cities, is an important exercise for introducing the country's future politicians. According to the results of the research, various factors were influential in this competitive-political campaign, some of which were socio-economic factors (the realities of citizens' daily lives at the local level), and the other part was the organizational problems and party base of the ruling party and new developments in the opposition, which were influential in the results of these elections; including the important changes in the political sphere of influence and local-national power of parties, as well as the pattern of party relations in the Turkish political sphere.

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The present paper investigates the relations between the states' discourse and operation in political-social transformations in the first three decades of the Islamic Republic Iran. The main problem in this study is the divese transformations of the IRI states, and The Question is how can it be explaned. To answer this question, histirical analyses were collected and refered a three interrelated level pattern.  In external level, state transformations through Bashiriyeh's idea were followed. In mediate level, Kowsari's interpretation of Parsons' theory about the pathology of subsystems domination were used. In internal level (interaction level, we utilized Tanhayi and Abdi's interpretations) of Herbert Mead's Social Evolution Theory. Finally, we found state ideological transformations, in the context of political subsystem domination, as the most important factor for social transformations, and social interactions were evaluated as ungeneralized. By this view point, decreasing the role of state in transformations, by depoliticizing of other subsystems and making social actions free from ideological considerations, is a solution for preventing divergent transformations.  

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Today, the debate over the foundations of democracy good or not, but the debate over what is better and more efficient form of democracy? And what is the democratic criterion of individual actions. Global developments in the last quarter of the twentieth century until the present, given the breadth and scope that encompasses much of the world and also deepening it in different layers of society - both of which are features of globalization - reducing the role and functions of government and the emergence of new conditions for the transition to democracy and democratic government and is specialized. Nowadays patterns "participatory democracy and self-determination" as the latest theories on democracy patterns have emerged. Democracy is much wider than its previous models of these patterns and even patterns of liberal representative democracy, because more focus on the contributions of individuals to determine their destiny. This paper has reviewed and analyzed over the course of the evolution of the field of view of the great theorists.

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Yeki Bud Yeki Nabud, a story collection written by Mohammad Ali Jamalzadeh (1892-1997), marks the beginning of modern short story in Iran. Along with the stories in this collection, also known as the very first attempts to write Persian short story, the foreword to this book is of prime importance in Persian literary studies and literary theory. One of the basic and yet significant concepts of this foreword is “literary democracy.” The analysis of the micro-concepts and metaphors developed in this foreword helps us analyze this particular macro-concept and hence better understand the foundation for the notion of “literary democracy.” It is also important to note to what extend this macro-concept have played a role in modern Persian literature.

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Adopting elements of organizational democracy improves employees' working competencies and can create value for the stakeholders of the organization. This research is aimed at identifying and prioritizing the elements of organizational democracy in the public section in order to implement democracy in the organization. An applied research in its goal, this paper uses group survey methodology. 9 elements of organizational democracy were identified based on performing an extended review of literature. The statistical population of this study was 10 experts of Kharazmi University who were selected by available methods. Utilizing five -level Likert scale we gathered their opinions to determine the importance of these elements. Initially, the elements of organizational democracy were identified as the most important element using the Fuzzy Delphi. The elements of organizational democracy were prioritized according to ANP model. Commitment and Partnership, Decentralization in decision-making, and transparency were identified as the most important Elements of Organizational Democracy.
 

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Globalization and democracy have become the most debated issues throughout the world, which, no doubt also influence Iran. This paper highlights these phenomena with respect to Iran but takes up the issue through various description and features presented by the con-temporary socio- political thinkers and economists. Considering globalization, although the subject matter is very recent but Iran has been experiencing this phenomenon with the emergence of modern communication networks and economic growth. The democratic proc-ess had started early in 19th century but was thoroughly suppressed by the despotic regime. However, the globalization trends in 1990s have affected most of the countries and Iran too has experienced the changing mood of the people. Present study focuses on the various as-pects of globalization and its influences over democracy during post- revolutionary period.

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Participating of demos in decision making processes of their society have had been the scientists utopia. Communication and information technologies paved the way for participation of the people in their fate. By the way, the most important construct in this equation is public trust that determines the level and specificatian of democracy To explain the role of trust in electronic government, we took advantages of justice pentagon (five dimensional) model and examined public administrators, faculty members and students opinion about electronic government, public trust and democracy. The results support our electronic government – justice – trust and democracy conceptual model.

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Asking about the place of religion in a democratic society refers straightforwardly to the kind of pluralism we adopt. Given that intra-societal tensions mark out a democratic pluralistic society, then it seems that there is no doubt that there should be a place for religion and religious people in it. What is crucial for a democratic society is taking a suitable view on pluralism. There could be, at least, two versions of pluralism: Incommensurable or radical and commensurable or moderate. It is argued that the incommensurable account of pluralism confronts with serious problems both theoretically (like the impossibility of outer critique) and practically (like replacing persuasion with force). Rorty advocates a commensurable pluralism based on pragmatic conventions or “know-how” skills without any meta-narrative or translation manual among the doctrines of rival views. However, along with Davidson, it is stated that some kind of translation among the rival views is inevitable. In addition, it is argued that commensurable pluralism could not be limited to merely know-how skills and it needs some know-that insights. This view of pluralism not only opens the door of dialogue, but also provides a basis for removing superficial differences or conflicts between the rivals. Real differences, however, could remain and should be tolerated.

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The present paper aims to highlight the origin of the youth movements in Iran during the intervening years of 1971 and 2002. During these three decades, youth movement was one of the important social movements in the political arena of the country. While explaining the origin of the movement, two changes i.e. 'generation gap' and 'democracy' have been studied and it was found that the origin of the youth movements in Iran was due to the contradictions between authoritarianism and democracy. Apart from various official statistics and figures, some results of some opinion surveys have also been utilized to analyze this paper.

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Philosophical sketch of Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) on the primary conditions for Peace and co-existence between states is reflected in his Perpetual Peace. In Kant's view, three primary conditions of perpetual peace of a republican government in every country are based on a civil constitution, establishment of a federation of free states, and cosmopolitan right of individuals as world citizens. The foundations of republican system, i.e. freedom for all members of the society as human beings, belonging of each individual to a public code of law as subject, and equality before law as a citizen, are important in Kant's political philosophy. Two primary responsibilities for Kant's federation of free states, i.e. non-interference in the internal affairs of member states, and upholding of a unified front against extraterritorial aggression, suffer from ambiguity and inadequacy, and is therefore vulnerable. Kant's formulation of "a unified world government" is cautionary and conditional; for it can be ended to despotism and decline.

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Inequality in income and wealth distribution as the most critical socioeconomic indicator is highly influenced by political structure. In the recent centuries, democratization along with enfranchisement has caused a course of economic changes including income and wealth redistribution. This study uses a neoclassical microeconomic approach for a hypothetical economy and demonstrates how to being affected incomes inequality and redistribution by enfranchisement in a society whose economic and political power pillars are under control of aristocrats. Theoretical analysis suggests that expansion of democracy leads to less inequality in incomes. Empirical evidence from Iran for the period 1969-2008 indicates that democracy can be a significant determinant in income redistribution. 

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Over the past two hundred years, not only the process of democracy formation has not been uniform; but also it has been with different fluctuations, including internal and external wars and conflicts. Within the system of interactions between education and the occurrence of internal conflicts in a country, the question is whether increase in the level of democracy reduces the occurrence of internal conflict or not. This study uses a panel data with 11 periods (of five years), and 83 selected war-torn countries to examine the relationship between human capital and domestic war (conflict), taking into consideration the effectiveness of democracy in this relationship. To estimate the magnitude of relationships between variables, a panel generalized least squares method is applied. Results indicate a significant negative relationship among human capital, GDP, democracy, and internal conflict. In addition, with inclusion of the interactional variable (democracy multiplied by human capital) in the model, the results show a declining progressive negative effect of both democracy and human capital on the occurrence of conflicts.

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