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Ellipsis constructions are formal patterns in which certain syntactic structure that is expressed to convey the intended content is omitted. The aim of this paper is to provide the basis for a cognitive construction grammar description of coordination ellipsis and gapping in Persian language. Therefore, the present research is based on the descriptive-analytical method, and since ellipsis is widely used in both written and spoken Persian, our corpus will include both types and it adopts cognitive and construction-based approach. The results show that Persian data can be analyzed, using the concept of access and activation introduced by Langacker (2012). Non-constituent coordination is analyzed in the context of other sorts of clausal reduction, including the accentual reduction of unfocused elements as well as ellipsis, where overlapping content is left unexpressed. A pivotal desctiptive notion is the differential i.e. the content appearing in one clausal window that does not appear in the prior window. The results, also, show that the placement of the differential, when it intrrupts the baseline clause, is important. So, It can easily say that the differential directly follows the anti-differential.
 

1.  Introduction

Cognitive linguistics is an interdisciplinary branch of linguistics and is a cluster of overlapping approaches to the study of language as a mental phenomenon. It is the study of language in its cognitive function, where cognitive refers to the crucial role of intermediate informational structures with our encounters with the world. Cognitive Linguistics assumes that our interaction with the world is mediated through informational structures in the mind (Evans et al. 2006).
Cognitive Grammar which is the conceptual interface between syntax and semantics  is a branch of cognitive linguistics (Langacker, 1991). Croft and Cruse (2004) believe that ‘Cognitive Grammar’s model of syntactic representation is a construction grammar model’. They state that the Cognitive Grammar as a construction grammar emphasizes on symbolic and semantic definitions of theoretical constructs traditionally analyzed as purely syntactic.
     The aim of this paper is to provide the basis for a cognitive construction grammar description of coordination ellipsis and gapping in Persian language. Goldberg and Perek (2015) have defined ‘ellipsis constructions as formal patterns in which certain syntactic structure that is expressed to convey the intended content is omitted.’ There are some ellipsis constructions that the most commonly discussed of them are: gapping, sluicing, verb phrase ellipsis, stripping.
     Goldberg and Perek (ibid) believes that there are general commonalties among ellipsis constructions and the existence of these elliptical constructions is motivated by Grice’s maxim of Quantity, i.e. “say as much as is necessary for the communicative demands and no more”. When we can recover some part of intended interpretation, there is no need for it to be overtly specified (Shannon 1993; Piantadosi et al. 2011). Then according to Goldberg and Perek(2015) ellipsis constructions exist in every language, undoubtedly. 
The present study is based on the descriptive-analytical method, and since ellipsis is widely used in both written and spoken Persian, our corpus will include both types and it adopts cognitive and construction-based approach. We also want to answer the following questions:

1.  Can coordination ellipsis in Persian be explaind in the context of Cognitive Grammar?
2.  Can gappin in Persian be explaind in the context of Cognitive Grammar?
3.  What are the roles of differential and anti-differential in these constructions?

 

2.  Analysis

    The data showed that in case of ellipsis an expression that is not itself a clause nonetheless receives a clause-like interpretation by analogy to one that is. In the following example ‘a Benz’ in (1b) can be understood in the same manner as the second clause in (1a). according to Langacker (2012) ‘in both expressions, content that overlaps with the prior clause is less than fully manifested phonologically. The difference is one of degree: accentual reduction in (a), complete omission in (b)’.

1.  a. Ali ye mashin xarid. Ou ye Benz xarid

    Ali one car buy.PST. 3SG. He one Benz buy. PST. 3SG.
    Ali bought a car. He bought a Benz
      b. Ali ye mashin xarid. Ye Benz.
    Ali one car buy.PST. 3SG. one Benz.
    Ali bought a car. A Benz.
    We can show the ellipsis in (1b) in the following figure in which all the content of window i remains active in i+1. It is as if one were saying [Ali bought] a Benz.
 
Figure 1
ellipsis

 
    In the case of gapping according to Langacker (ibid) we see that the differential and anti-differential are non-constituents (at least prior to coordination) in the following example:

1. Ali mahin ro shost, va Amir toop ro.

   Ali car ACC wash.PST. 3SG, and Amir ball ACC.
   Ali washed the car, and Amir the ball 
    As we see the nominals in window i+1 specify two points of difference: Amir contrasts with Ali, and toop with mashin. Hence, the event of washing reconstructed in i+1 (by analogy to window i) is a different instance of this process type.
 
 
 
3. Conclusion
    The results showed that Persian data can be analyzed, using the concept of access and activation introduced by Langacker (2012). Non-constituent coordination is analyzed in the context of other sorts of clausal reduction, including the accentual reduction of unfocused elements as well as ellipsis, where overlapping content is left unexpressed. A pivotal desctiptive notion is the differential i.e. the content appearing in one clausal window that does not appear in the prior window. The results, also, showed that the placement of the differential, when it intrrupts the baseline clause, is important. So, It can easily say that the differential directly follows the anti-differential.
 

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This study measures the children's poverty rate in Tehran (people under the age of 18) and identifies the most effective factors on children poverty in 2011. By using a sample of 24000 children under age of 18 extracted from "Tehran's Justice Measurement Research Project", first, the children's poverty headcount was calculated in terms of shelter and nutrition. Then, the effects of variables such as education, employment, gender and age of household's head, the addicts and the disabled in household, and geographic location on child poverty were examined by estimating a logit model. The results showed that the highest rate of shelter poverty of children under 18 is observed among the children of south of Tehran (53%), district 19 (61%) and district 17 (58%), respectively. Malnutrition and food insecurity exist in all districts of Tehran. The highest food insecurity risk belongs to districts 17, 18 and 19 and the Southern Tehran. About 25.3 percent of the children in Tehran, 32.1 percent of children in the Southern Tehran and 37.6 percent of children in district 18 are exposed to risk of food insecurity. The presence of addicts and disabled in the household, educational deprivation of head of household and habitation in south of Tehran are factors affecting children poverty. In addition, female-headed households cause food insecurity.